In October, the Australian government rejected Sen. Lindsey Graham’s suggestion that Downer had been “directed to contact” Papadopoulos. To say that a comprehensive investigation was warranted is not to say that the Barr/Durham investigation, as it has developed, was the right one, or has been conducted well. 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These dangers seem particularly gratuitous considering that the Republican-controlled Senate Intelligence Committee performed its own independent and exhaustive review of the ICA and, as expressed in Volume IV of its report titled “Review of the Intelligence Community Assessment and Additional Views,” expressed, inter alia, these “Findings”: (1) “The Committee found the ICA presents a coherent and well-constructed intelligence basis for the case of unprecedented Russian interference in the 2016 U.S. presidential election;” (2) “The ICA reflects proper analytic tradecraft despite being tasked and completed within a compressed timeframe;” (3) “The differing confidence levels on one analytic judgment are justified and properly represented;” and (4) “In all the interviews of those who drafted and prepared the ICA, the Committee heard consistently that analysts were under no politically motivated pressure to reach specific conclusions. So I—to sabotage the presidency, and I think that— or at least have the effect of sabotaging the presidency. He stated that while Durham will likely produce a report “as a byproduct of his activity,” his “primary focus” was not to “prepare a report.” Instead, Barr said Durham “is looking to bring to justice people who are engaged in abuses if he can show that they were criminal violations, and that’s what the focus is on.” Barr added: “My own view is that the evidence shows that we’re not dealing with just mistakes or sloppiness. Two days later, on a Sunday, Barr issued his controversial summary of the report. The paper added that it was not clear whether Durham had interviewed the source. On May 13, the New York Times reported that Barr had selected Durham to “examine the origins of the Russia investigation.” The Times later confirmed that Barr had appointed Durham “several weeks” earlier. Nor has the official date of the appointment.) In an interview with the Wall Street Journal on May 15, Barr said (as the Journal paraphrased it) that “he is interested in the underlying intelligence that sparked the bureau’s decision to open the counterintelligence investigation, as well as the actions officials took based on that intelligence.” Barr told Fox News on May 16 that he was trying to figure out whether “government officials abused their power and put their thumb on the scale” during the early stages of the Russia probe. Theoretically, executive branch oversight is also provided through the network of inspectors general populating the agencies comprising the IC; although, admittedly, the treatment of IGs by this administration is a challenge to that notion of effective and independent oversight. Durham Connects Final Report 2 Durham Connects Impact Evaluation Final Report Background and Significance Child maltreatment is an urgent national public health problem. In a letter dated May 28, Australia’s ambassador to the United States wrote Barr that his government would support Barr’s investigation, including by providing information related to Alexander Downer—the Australian diplomat who reportedly met Trump campaign foreign policy advisor George Papadopoulos at a London bar. Tradecraft standards for analytic foreign intelligence product have been refined over the years to ensure that the IC provides U.S. policymakers, service members, and operators with the best and most accurate insight, warning, and context. It is an unfortunate irony, however, that this same analytic phraseology if used in reporting the results of a criminal inquiry, for example, lends itself to opportunistic manipulation by partisans devoted to using that phraseology to support a particular narrative of the events in question. The Durham operation isn’t about persuading the public in the absence of evidence. No matter what problems Durham finds, assuming he finds some, they will be tainted due to the combined behavior of the president (who might not know better and who cannot control himself) and the attorney general (who does know better and can control himself but has chosen not to). Then, in the infamous July 25, 2019, telephone call between Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, Trump requested that Zelenskyy speak with Barr and Rudy Giuliani, and former White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney later suggested that Trump’s queries to Zelenskyy were related to Durham’s investigation. Later press reports suggested that the transition was triggered, at least in part, by IG Horowitz’s referral to Durham of his discovery that a lawyer in the FBI’s Office of General Counsel had doctored an email from the CIA that was subsequently relied upon in the FBI’s FISA applications seeking authority to surveil Carter Page after he left the Trump Campaign. But, much like a morbidity and mortality conference in medicine, the value of such retrospective review lies in the internal improvements that such a candid and confidential reassessment bring to the process examined — whether that be medical care or foreign intelligence analysis. He promised Senate Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham that he would examine the FBI’s counterintelligence investigation against Trump and on the same issue he told Sen. John Kennedy “the best policy is to allow light to shine in.”, On March 22, about a month after Barr was sworn in as attorney general, Special Counsel Robert Mueller closed his investigation and submitted his final report to Barr. Three days after Barr’s summary, Mueller wrote to Barr saying that. In October, Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte confirmed that Barr’s inquiry was focused on the role of American and Italian intelligence surrounding Papadopoulos’s 2016 meeting with Mifsud. What Durham is currently doing is a bit harder to describe. Andy McCarthy, former U.S. Attorney, weighs in on John Durham's investigation of the FBI and the origins of the Russia investigation I am saying that I am concerned about it and looking into it.”, Two days after that hearing, on April 12, records show that one of Barr’s top aides—possibly with Durham as well—spoke with Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz “to explain what [Durham was] working on” and schedule a future meeting.
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